Speech Analysis Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Speech Analysis - Essay Example The orator was rational in his arguments, emotional with his voice intonation and was respected and looked upon by the audience. Every word that he spoke was listened to and this made his speech more affective. Considering the attitudes of audience then the speaker addressed the affective dimension of their attitude by assuring them of the commencement of an imminent change in the country, for the better. The personality and presence of the speaker are keys to an impactful public speech. Martin Luther King Jr. was considered to be one of the greatest revolutionaries of all times and thus each word that he spoke was seen with credibility and weighed with internalization. The listeners could identify themselves with the reader and thus can understand and interpret whatever that was said, accurately. The way of speaking of Martin Luther King Jr. was expressive and this added the component of power to his words, making him appear more credible to the audience, as they perceived him to be an expert in politics and a trustworthy individual. The speech was made in public so the physical setting added more worth to each word spoken by the speaker as he was able to make people believe what he said and they chanted slogans and cheered for him all the way. The audience speaker relationship is really important in an affective speech, Martin Luther King Jr. was looked up on as a role model by millions of people and so it was easier for him to convey his ideology to the audience because they were very receptive to his ideas and thoughts in advance, because he always addressed to their core beliefs. The speech was delivered in context to the American Civil Rights movements and it talked about the establishment egalitarianism in public and political sphere in the US, therefore it gained a lot of support and acceptance from people (Hansen, 2003, p.177). â€Å"With this

PART 2 Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

PART 2 - Term Paper Example The law and the doctor’s code of ethics as well lays out the right of patients’ to confidentiality of their medical information or records. Breach of this confidentiality is punishable by law. If a hospital is proved to have made public such private information or voluntarily enabled third parties to access such information, its image can be damaged completely. Since health care is a very sensitive issue to individuals seeking treatment and they require their information to be treated with utmost confidentiality, it is very difficult for them to seek treatment to an institution where they are not certain of confidentiality. Therefore, a health organization can lose mush of its clients. This is also accompanied by financial losses as people will seek medical care elsewhere. Health organizations that operate through financial support from donors and well-wishers can lose this support if proved to be negligent of the right of patients in terms of confidentiality of the med ical records. On the other hand, breach of private medical information can also have adverse effects on the part of the patients. Some information is very sensitive and if it falls into the wrong hands, patients can be emotionally affected. For instance, disclosure of a patient’s HIV/AIDS status can lead to discrimination and stigmatization. There are a lot of negative effects that are associated with discrimination such as stress, or mental torture. Some people have even been reported to commit suicide as a result of discrimination and stigmatization. Disclosure of such information can also affect the social life of an individual as s/he may feel embarrassed if some private information falls way into the public. If private medical information of an individual falls into the hands of employers, some people may lose their job based on the severity of their medical problem. Some medical conditions have been proved to affect productivity of individuals in the workplaces as they may skip some days or take breaks from work to seek medical care. Therefore, an employer may terminate employment if such information falls into his/her hands. In addition, this may also directly affect other family members as they may also be discriminated against. For instance, a wife may be stigmatized or discriminated against if her husband’s HIV status is known by the public. In some parts of the world, certain medical conditions are regarded as a taboo and punishment from God hence may lead to discrimination (Cordess, 2001). In a nutshell, breach of patient’s medical records or information may have negative effects to the health care provider, patient, as well as other family members. References Banker, E. A. (2006). Institutional Review Board: Management and Function. New York, USA: Jones and Bartlett Learning. Cordess, C. (2001). Confidentiality and Mental Health. New York, USA: Jessica Kingsley Publishers. Assignment 2 Potential causes of breach of confidentia lity and assessment Confidentiality of patients’ medical records has been a sensitive issue over the recent past. As evidenced in many sources, there have been a lot of cases involving patients complaining of breach of confidentiality in terms of their medical records. In fact, many health care providers have in the past been sued and found guilty. This paper describes the possible causes of breach

Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia

Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia Many factors influence the formulation of US energy policy. This chapter lays out the comprehensive description of the institutions which shape US energy policy towards Central Asia in general. Further this chapter would look into the international scenario, which has made US Congress, Federal Bureaucracy and Interest Groups in shaping Energy Policy towards Kazakhstan. And Turkmenistan Throughout the 1980s and before US experienced a major sorting out process, determining who would participate in energy policymaking and what the organisational arrangements for citizen involvement would be, though by 1980 the President and the Congress had been able to reach compromises on the basic issues faced by them following the onset of the energy crisis. With decisions on these basic issues the foundation for a stable national energy policy system appeared to be in place. The rudimentary energy policy system that was in place by 1980, provided the framework necessary to manage both energy supply and demand and to develop new resources (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). Before going into the detailed focus on the role of iron triangle towards Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan in particular a brief understanding of how the policy is influenced by the Congress, Interests Groups and the Bureaucracy would be appropriate. Congress: Decision making in Congress where law is formulated, differ from decision making in the bureaucracy, where it is implemented. The institution setting greatly influences the policy outcome.[1] If not sovereign, Congress is considered to be prominent in formulating national energy policy. The president may mandate or oppose energy programs. But he is usually dictated by the Congress. It is the congress who can legislate on energy policy and raise the resources to underwrite it. The presidents freedom to act independently of congress on energy matters is limited severely by law, custom and political circumstances. Policy may be formulated by judges or administrators by interpreting or implementing a congressional enactment. But policy making by them is limited by congressional guidelines and over shift (Cowney: 1985: 82-86). Congress is characterized as house divided and authority dispersed between its two chambers. Its members are even torn by conflicting claims of local and national interest. Although congress is fragmented, it cant be denied that there is opportunity for policy innovation. From the apparent authority of the congress, it becomes clear that congress often reveals not power exercised but power dissipated, not policy made but policy paralysed(Victor:1984:313) The number of committees and subcommittees with energy as their title grew steadily from two in the 92nd Congress (1970-1972) to numerous in the110th Congress In the 96th Congress jurisdiction over some aspect of energy policy was claimed by more than 38 committees of the House of Representatives. The Senate traditionally has fewer committees than the House. Nevertheless it had at least ten major committees and several dozen subcommittees exercising some authority over energy legislation. The committees are proposed by the legislators desire to exercise some authority over major public issues. There also perpetuates jealously and competition between subcommittees and their leaders in energy policy making. Vigorous conflict over energy policy produced by each chambers over squabbling committees is intensified by rivalries between House and Senate energy committees. Such competitions are due to traditional differences between the two chambers, their divergent constituencies, constitutional responsibilities, institutional histories, conflicting personalities and committees aspirations. Moreover, the various energy committees within and between the two chambers, often respond to different energy interest (Raycraft and Kash: 1984:239-249). The fragmentation of power in the Congress is not only due to the formal division of authority among committees. There are other significant causes as well such as there are five hundred and thirty five geographical units the states and the congressional districts. These numerous factors constitute a vast array of diverse parochial interests with powerful influence in the legislative process. The Senator and the Representatives ambassador to Washington are regarded by the constituents as the guardian of the local interest. The Senator and the ambassadors are supported to play the role of energy provider and protector (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Bureaucracy: The executive branch of the federal government is a constitutional unit. Within the executive branch there are thirteen cabinet departments, fifty two independent agencies, five regulatory commissions and numerous lesser entities. More than 2.8 million employers divide their loyalties among these institutions. When closely observed, the executive branch is found to be a mosaic of disparate bureaucratic interests, each zealous to achieve its special mission. It is very challenging for the president to bring these different interests into accord with his own administrative programs. Its success depends upon his personality to a greater extent. The designs for the administrative management by the White House are continuously impeded by the political obstacles. In order to unite the bureaucracy, the president must constantly fight for the competing claims of agencies self interest, the political pressures upon the agencies from Congress and the pressure from an agencys own clientele. The federal bureaucracy is a plurality of institutional interests. They are always active in shaping the policies which will be administered by them. The bureaucracy is governments interest lobby (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Interest Group: The number of interest group striving to impress their will upon government is legion. Among one hundred thousand nationally organised interest groups in the United States, high proportions are involved in politics. When the politically active state and local groups are added to the already existing numerous interest groups, it becomes obvious that the interest groups are pervasive in the United States governmental system. They represent virtually every major social group with some claims upon government (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). The formations of new groups are often triggered by the rise of new issues on the governmental agenda. And conversely, new issues on the agenda reflect the growing political influence of new interests. The number of interest groups in national energy policy increased significantly after 1973 oil shock. Oil companies have been the major interest groups in terms of energy policy formulation. While analysing the role of oil companies it can be said that they are playing the role of nongovernmental bodies. They have added a degree of variety to international political relationship. Sometimes they have even made the international relationships complicated which might otherwise have been quite harmonious. But in reality oil industries are primarily economic institutions. One of the characteristics of the economic actors is that so long as they can function reasonably well, they generally accept the status quo. No industry can sacrifice its profit for the sake of political principle. None of the oil industry can turn down the chance of developing important new deposits. Of course companies have to choose between possible ventures. The political climate of the countries in which these ventures fall is the only one of the factors taken into account. The political tactics available to compan ies for gaining access to promising markets are limited (Scott: 2005:12-149). The strategies adopted by the oil company are usually predictable but along with the strategies, the leadership of the company also matter to a greater extent. The underlying economics of the industry make it possible to predict the general direction in which companies will move. The development of oil companies can be stimulated by ease of access of the various oil deposit the source of existing oil production the size development and location of the worlds leading economies some facts about the motivation of the imperial powers some assumptions about the behavior of companies in an international oligopoly Some information about the level of government experience in most of the potential producing countries. The sheer size of the US market and the fact that there was a significant oil industry in existence in USA meant that American oil companies where bound to play a dominant role. As an analyst has noted that US had no history of significant engagement with the Central Asian Region before 1990s. It is the discovery of energy resources of the Caspian Sea that made the region important of the US foreign policy makers. The Central Asia and the Caspian Region is blessed with abundant oil and gases that can enhance the lives of the regions resident and provide energy for growth in both Europe and Asia. The impact of these resources on US commercial interests and US foreign policy is very significant. The United States first official foray into the Caucasus and Central Asia came in 1991 during the Bush administration. But it was not until major oil contracts were signed between US oil companies and the government of Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan in 1993-1994 that the region really began to register on the radar screen of the American public. The commercial interests of US oil companies in exploiting new energy reserves gave US policymakers a specific interest to protect in the Caucasus and Central Asia the US has come to see Caspian resources as one of the few prospects for diversifying world energy supply away from the Middle East. The role of the iron triangle in formulating US energy policy towards Central Asia can be understood by 1998 Congressional Hearing. In this hearing the subcommittee on Asia and Pacific examined the US interest in the region. It was acknowledged by the US Congress that Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan possess large reserves of oil and natural gas. It was further observed that Uzbekistan has oil and gas reserves that may make it self sufficient in energy and gain revenue through exports (Congressional Hearings: 1998). According to Mr. Bereuter the president of the Subcommittee on Asia and Pacific stated that US policy goals regarding energy resources in the region were based on the following factors- Independence of the states and their ties to the West. Breaking Russias monopoly over the oil and gas transport routes. Promoting Western energy security through diversified suppliers encouraging the construction of East West pipeline and, Isolating Iran. In addition it was stated by the then Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbot, that the United States sought to discourage any one country from gaining control over the region, but rather urged all responsible States to cooperate in the exploitation of regional oil and resources. It was noted that the Central Asian Region has emerged as one of the significant opportunities for investment opportunities for a broad range of American companies. This in turn will stimulate the economic development of the region. Debates in the Congress According to the Department of Energy, US has following interest in the region- Energy security Strategic interest and Commercial interest in promoting Caspian region energy development. It is further observed that US has an interest in strengthening global energy security through diversification, and the development of these new sources of supply. Caspian export would diversify rather than concentrate world energy supplies. This will help in avoiding the over reliance on the Persian Gulf. It was agreed in the Congress that United States has strategic interests in supporting the independence, sovereignty, and prosperity of the Newly Independent States of the Caspian Basin. And it was desired to assist the development of these States into democratic, sovereign members of the world community of the nations, enjoying unfettered access to world markets without pressure or undue influence from the region. In other words, it can be observed that the iron triangle i.e., Congress, Bureaucracy and the Interest Group have following four objectives with regard to Central Asia: Promoting Multiple Export Route-The administrations policy is centered on rapid development of the regions resources and the transportation and sale of those resources to hard currency markets to secure the independence of these new countries. The US government has promoted the development of multiple pipelines and diversified infrastructure networks to open and integrate these countries into the global market and to foster regional cooperation. It was decided to give priority to support efforts by the regional governments and the private sector to develop and improve east-west linkage and infrastructure networks through Central Asia and the Caucasus. A Eurasian energy transport corridor incorporating a trans-Caspian segment with a route from Baku, Azerbaijan, through the Caucasus and Turkey to the Mediterranean port was included. Emphasizing on Commerciality-It was realized that the massive infrastructure projects must be commercially competitive before the private sector and the international financial community can move forward. Keeping this in mind the Baku-Ceyhan pipelines was most endorsed. Cooperating with Russia-It was decided to support the continued Russian participation in Caspian participation in the Eurasian corridor was also encouraged. For this purpose US companies are working in partnership with the Russian firms in the Caspian. Isolating Iran- the US Government opposes pipelines through Iran because development of Irans oil and gas industry and pipelines from the Caspian Basin through Iran will seriously undercut the development of East-west infrastructure, and give Iran improper leverage over economies of the Caucasus and Central Asian States. Similarly, John Maresca, Vice President of International Relations, Unocal Corporation, focused on three issues with regard to Central Asia- The need for multiple pipeline routes for Central Asian oil and gas resources. The need for US support for international and Regional efforts to achieve balanced reforms and development of appropriate investment in the region. While emphasising these issues, argued for the repeal or removal of section 907 of the Freedom Support Act, because this section unfairly restricts US Government assistance to the government of Azerbaijan and limits US influence in the region. Unocal and other American companies are ready to develop cost-effective export routes for Central Asian resources. So, after this analysis of the iron triangle in terms of the Central Asian Region it can be concluded that the Cooperation of power, federalism, interest group pluralism and other checks and balances in the constitutional architecture of the United States political system created a strong bias towards bargaining, compromise and instrumentalism in energy policy making today. the electoral cycle often compels energy policy to conform to the economic and political bias of legislative constituencies charged with implementing energy policies, attempt to impose upon those policies their own bureaucratic values, their unique political per spective growing from their several missions and many other institutional concerns sub government and the public opinion also influence policy. These elements in the policy process have long been recognized. They emphasise a truth often ignored in discussions of US public policy. The United States and the rest of the world are facing energy problem. The era of abundant, reliable, low-cost energy is in the past. Currently the condition will be that of scarcity and the continuing need to manage the complex and difficult issues associated with the use, supply, pricing and trading of energy to prevent economic, political, environmental and military crisis. Imported oil is the heart of energy problem. As mentioned earlier the economic growth and the consequent growth in energy demand requires increased need for imported oil. To understand the full scope of Congressional perception focus on Energy Security act-S.932 of 1980 is essential. Energy Security Act S. 932 Representative Christopher J. Dodd on June 25, 1980 observed that with respect to the energy act it represented a long overdue commitment of federal dollars to promote energy independence for America. He acknowledged the growing dependency of United States on imported oil. The Energy Security Act provides 25 billion for exploration of a variety of energy alternatives including synthetic fuels renewable resources, conservation, and gasohol. It mandated two actions -the filling of our strategic petroleum reserves and the study of acid rain problem. Though the historical energy security act comprehensively dealt with the synthetic fuel but it was not entirely about the synthetic fuel bill. This act also provide $3.1 billion to establish conservation and solar banks that will offer federal subsidies in the form of below market loans, loan guarantees and grant to finance solar and conservation work in homes, apartments and small business. Christopher J. Dodd argued that $ 3 billion includ ed in this bill to the energy bank was not enough to release the full potential of conservation and solar energy. But this funding was perceived to be a good beginning, and believed that the experience of the coming years will prove the worth these alternatives to continue oil imports. He further argued that the United States government must devise an effective national strategy to break the hold of OPEC and energy conservation in our homes and business should be taken as a vital part of that strategy (Congressional Hearings: 1980) The former Clinton Administration stressed that U.S. support for free market reforms directly served U.S. national interests by opening new markets for U.S. goods and services, and sources of energy and minerals. U.S. private investment committed to Central Asia had greatly exceeded. U.S. energy companies have committed to invest billions of dollars in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. U.S. trade agreements have been signed and entered into force with all the Central Asian States. By focusing on Congressional debates on Energy Policy with particular focus on Central Asia, the complexity of policy formulation can be understood. Further the various Hearings held by the Congress have also provided significant evidence that explains the changed nuances of Central Asia policy. It also helps to illustrate the argument that the Congress considered the Central Asian Region very important for US interest. In particular Congressional understanding of the Enormous Energy Export Potential that could ease Americas energy problem went a long way in shaping US policy towards Central Asia. For instance, despite concern on human right violent political movement, US government virtually supported the US government decision to promote a new pipeline from Kazakh to Azerbaijan and from Ceyhan to Turkey. Some analysts have noted that there has been different emphasis on the level of US involvement in the CAR. According to some there have been linkages between the adequate progress in democratisation and improving the human rights. The importance of energy resources to US has been disputed in early phase of 1990. However, the Congressional interest in Central Asia was reflected in the passage of Silk Road in late 1999 which enhanced US policy alteration, humanitarian needs, economic development (including energy pipelines) and communications, democracy and the creation of civil societies in the South Caucasian and Central Asia. The Bush energy policy was directed towards securing cheap oil because US oil consumption was below projected to increase by one-third over the next two decades. The white House during Bush Administration also had for greater domestic drilling and wants to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to the oil industry. The Administrations National Energy Policy Development Group, led by Vice President Dick Cheney, acknowledged in a May 2001 report that US oil production will fall 12% over the next 20 years. As a result US dependence on imported oil which has risen to a great extent (CRS Report: 2005). September 11 brought with it a dramatic reconfiguration of the entire international security environment as well as a fundamental shift in the ranking of American foreign and security priorities. Virtually every other foreign policy priority was now subordinated to the effort to create an anti-terrorist coalition (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). It is observed that the September 11 attack on the World Trade Centre and Pentagon has underlined the connection between oil and politics. When it became confirmed that the most of the hijackers were from Saudi Arabia, it impacted on the oil market to a great extent. Since Saudi Arabia constitutes one fourth of the total petroleum reserves, United States had to look for some other alternative sources in order to fulfill its energy requirement. United States is dependent on foreign oil for its 58% of energy requirement which is likely to increase up to 65% by 2020 (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). The counterstrike of September 11 shattered the old barriers and opened new horizons. The United States Congress acknowledged the importance of the Central Asian republic for the fulfillment of its oil requirement in the 107th Congress. It was acknowledged that the Central Asian Region is inflicted with terrorist activities and hence consequently political instability. The support from the Congress and the administration was urged. It was argued that the US assistance in developing these new economics will be crucial to business success. A strong technical assistance progress throughout the region was endorsed. After September 11 Washingtons approval of more than US$1.4 billion for the economic recovery of barren and battle scarred Afghanistan provides the Bush administration with possible insurance for deepening its petro-political sphere of influence along Russias boarder in the form of revived Trans-Afghan pipeline. Further it was realized by the US energy analysts that the vast reservoir of oil and gas can be protected by the deployment of US special operations forces to Georgia because it will neutralize Russias influence in the region. It is noteworthy that the Vice president Dick Cheney, former CEO of the oil services company Halliburtons also a veteran of the American oil industrys presence in the Caspian Basin is sufficient to manifest the US presence in the region With almost $30 billion already invested by US oil companies in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan, the suggested Afghan route would cost only one-half the amount of the other alternative which would run through Georgia to Turkeys Mediterranean coast ( Alam :2002:5-26). The Caspian Sea region is widely viewed as important to world markets because of its large oil and gas reserves. Most Energy Company regards the Caspian Basin as the Persian Gulf of the 21st century. In Central Asia and elsewhere, America found new friends in hour of need. It can be said that the Sept. 11 have awakened many Americans to the interdependence to the even -smaller world, to their vulnerability especially in energy. The growing American stake in Central Asia is one response to that. It can be said that the American war against terrorism has also become a battle to control the energy resources of the Central Asian Region. Since Central Asian region can offer the United States a rare opportunity to diversify world oil supply, it could be one of the most important areas of US foreign policy. However, in Washington D.C., and especially in the US congress, foreign policy tends to be an elitist sport. Few members of the Congress focus on foreign policy and accepted by the most of the Americans. As a result, few members of the congress view foreign policy and the Caspian region in strategic terms. The Central Asian Region is viewed by the most members of the congress through one or more of the following perspectives- The Azerbaijan- Armenia issue US policy towards Iran US policy towards Russia Partition and domestic politics. Among the four factors mentioned above, the fourth one i.e. that is partition and domestic politics is perhaps the most important. Members of the Congress tend to be overly responsive to their domestic constituents and some even support certain ethnic groups as a way to raise campaign contribution. This leads to a phenomenon termed ethnic politics. Critics argued that ethnic politics have driven US policy towards both Azerbaijan and Iran (Congressional Hearing: 2001). In order to understand the attitude of Congress towards the Central Asian Region in the aftermath of Sept. 11 attack on World Trade Centre (WTC) and Pentagon, the congress role towards Azerbaijan-America issue, Iran, and Russia requires a brief consideration. The Azerbaijan-Armenia issue On the Azerbaijan Armenia issue, congress tends to favour Armenia and uses foreign aid legislation as a means of exerting pressure on Armenias neighbors particularly Azerbaijan and Turkey. The most obvious example of this is the section 907 at the Freedom Support Act which prohibits US government aid to the government of Azerbaijan. Concern over the plight of Azeri refugee and the increasing importance of United States investment in the Azeri oil sectors; have led Congress to adjust section 907 incrementally each year since it took effect in January 1993. Nevertheless, Congressional attitude towards the region began to change significantly in 1997. The changes occurred for several reasons: The presidential elections in Armenia appeared to be less than free and fare this damaged Armenias image on Capitol Hill and embarrassed lawmaker who had clouted Armenia as the democratic ideal for the region. Some members of the congress thought the Armenia lobby had gone too far and was out of step with the realities on ground. The Armenian lobby was pushing for what some members of Congress thought was excessive legislation. As the deadline for a decision on the main export pipeline route approaches Congressional interest has continued to rise. There was the increased number of Congressional delegation traveling in the region. At least five delegations visited the region in 1997 including one led by senator McConnell. However, since his trip he has taken a more balanced approach to the region. This is noteworthy because McConnell is the chairman of the Senate appropriations subcommittee on foreign operations, the subcommittee which has jurisdiction over section 907. The House of Representatives, however, continued to reject attempt to weaken section 907. Congress tends to be an incremental body and the facts demonstrate that there is momentum towards making further revisions in section 907. As a result of this increasing momentum it is believed that the US Senate is now positioned to make substantial changes in 907. Senate headway will be critical because progress will have to be made in a House-Senate c onference committee and the House of Representatives continues to be solidly on the side of Armenia and is likely to support a significant softening or repeal of S.907. A major problem especially in the House is that section 907 is not on the radar screen for most Representatives since 907 is usually inserted into the foreign operations appropriations legislation at the subcommittee level, only 13 House member-less than 3% have an opportunity to vote up or down on 907 each year (Congressional Hearing:1997). Congressional attitude towards Iran: Iran is the most stable country politically and economically bordering the Caspian, and offers the most attractive pipeline routes: it is important to understand congressional attitude towards that country. Congress is opposed to Iran and has limited the Clintons administrations flexibility in dealing with it. In this respect, Congress has played a significant role. In the opinion of Congress no country undermines American interest more than Iran. Since the Iranian revolution the United States has sought to isolate Iran diplomatically and politically and more recently economically. Congress has passed the Iran-Libya Sanction Act (ILSA). This act was passed without a single member of congress voting against the sanctions. Congress has rarely adopted any controversial piece of legislation unanimously which have a wide range of implications. This law is causing problem for the companies trying to move Caspian oil to market. US companies are prohibited from partnering with Iranian firms in the Caspian (CRS Report: 2003). US Policy towards Russia Another regional issue clouding Congress view of the region is US policy towards Russia. Congress is skeptical of Russia, and its relations with Iran. For many members of Congress opposing the Soviet Union was a major pillar in their political philosophy during 1980s. Today there are still resident effects of this cold war attitude especially Republican party. In 1997 dozens of bills were introduced seeking to impose sanctions on Russia. Congress has consistently opposed Russian efforts of nuclear cooperation with Iran. Congress views the possible pipeline alternative through Russia, southern route through Iran, eastern route through Afghanistan and western rout through Georgia and Today Congressional view of the pipeline can be summed up in three ways: congress is opposed to pipelines routes through Iran, Congress is skeptical of routes through Russia, and is dubious of routes through Afghanistan. Turkey and Georgia are the only options in view of the Congress. Therefore, it is obvious why Congress has expressed support for pipeline along an east-west axis. This also helps to explain why the US government (Congress and the administration) are increasingly calling the Baku Ceyhan route the preferred route because it belongs NATO, ally, and avoid Iran and Russia. During 1998, Congress continued to advocate isolation of Iran and continue the incremental progress in US relations with Azerbaijan. While formulating energy policy for the United States, Congress is the preeminent force. But congress is a house divided. Its authority is dispersed between the two chambers. It is due to the fact that its members are usually torn by the conflicting claims of local and national interest. In spite of having fragmented opportunity it can be expected for policy innovation. On the brighter side, the United States has important energy interests in Central Asia. With its recent energy resources, Kazakhstan could become one of the largest oil exporters in the world. The United States has a strong interest in this oil getting to the world market at reasonable prices via multiple pipelines (Congressional Hearings: 1998). The 107th Congress supported governments efforts to promote a new pipeline from Kazakhstan to Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey, the gateway to the entire Western oil market. It was also acknowledged that in addition to energy interests, the United States also has a strong interest in working with the existing Central Asia governments on combating drugs and on divesting themselves of their weapons of mass destruction materials ( Congressional Hearings:2001). Finally, domestic security concerns for the Central Asian region particularly about violent political movements also got due consideration. The world gets nearly hal Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia Many factors influence the formulation of US energy policy. This chapter lays out the comprehensive description of the institutions which shape US energy policy towards Central Asia in general. Further this chapter would look into the international scenario, which has made US Congress, Federal Bureaucracy and Interest Groups in shaping Energy Policy towards Kazakhstan. And Turkmenistan Throughout the 1980s and before US experienced a major sorting out process, determining who would participate in energy policymaking and what the organisational arrangements for citizen involvement would be, though by 1980 the President and the Congress had been able to reach compromises on the basic issues faced by them following the onset of the energy crisis. With decisions on these basic issues the foundation for a stable national energy policy system appeared to be in place. The rudimentary energy policy system that was in place by 1980, provided the framework necessary to manage both energy supply and demand and to develop new resources (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). Before going into the detailed focus on the role of iron triangle towards Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan in particular a brief understanding of how the policy is influenced by the Congress, Interests Groups and the Bureaucracy would be appropriate. Congress: Decision making in Congress where law is formulated, differ from decision making in the bureaucracy, where it is implemented. The institution setting greatly influences the policy outcome.[1] If not sovereign, Congress is considered to be prominent in formulating national energy policy. The president may mandate or oppose energy programs. But he is usually dictated by the Congress. It is the congress who can legislate on energy policy and raise the resources to underwrite it. The presidents freedom to act independently of congress on energy matters is limited severely by law, custom and political circumstances. Policy may be formulated by judges or administrators by interpreting or implementing a congressional enactment. But policy making by them is limited by congressional guidelines and over shift (Cowney: 1985: 82-86). Congress is characterized as house divided and authority dispersed between its two chambers. Its members are even torn by conflicting claims of local and national interest. Although congress is fragmented, it cant be denied that there is opportunity for policy innovation. From the apparent authority of the congress, it becomes clear that congress often reveals not power exercised but power dissipated, not policy made but policy paralysed(Victor:1984:313) The number of committees and subcommittees with energy as their title grew steadily from two in the 92nd Congress (1970-1972) to numerous in the110th Congress In the 96th Congress jurisdiction over some aspect of energy policy was claimed by more than 38 committees of the House of Representatives. The Senate traditionally has fewer committees than the House. Nevertheless it had at least ten major committees and several dozen subcommittees exercising some authority over energy legislation. The committees are proposed by the legislators desire to exercise some authority over major public issues. There also perpetuates jealously and competition between subcommittees and their leaders in energy policy making. Vigorous conflict over energy policy produced by each chambers over squabbling committees is intensified by rivalries between House and Senate energy committees. Such competitions are due to traditional differences between the two chambers, their divergent constituencies, constitutional responsibilities, institutional histories, conflicting personalities and committees aspirations. Moreover, the various energy committees within and between the two chambers, often respond to different energy interest (Raycraft and Kash: 1984:239-249). The fragmentation of power in the Congress is not only due to the formal division of authority among committees. There are other significant causes as well such as there are five hundred and thirty five geographical units the states and the congressional districts. These numerous factors constitute a vast array of diverse parochial interests with powerful influence in the legislative process. The Senator and the Representatives ambassador to Washington are regarded by the constituents as the guardian of the local interest. The Senator and the ambassadors are supported to play the role of energy provider and protector (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Bureaucracy: The executive branch of the federal government is a constitutional unit. Within the executive branch there are thirteen cabinet departments, fifty two independent agencies, five regulatory commissions and numerous lesser entities. More than 2.8 million employers divide their loyalties among these institutions. When closely observed, the executive branch is found to be a mosaic of disparate bureaucratic interests, each zealous to achieve its special mission. It is very challenging for the president to bring these different interests into accord with his own administrative programs. Its success depends upon his personality to a greater extent. The designs for the administrative management by the White House are continuously impeded by the political obstacles. In order to unite the bureaucracy, the president must constantly fight for the competing claims of agencies self interest, the political pressures upon the agencies from Congress and the pressure from an agencys own clientele. The federal bureaucracy is a plurality of institutional interests. They are always active in shaping the policies which will be administered by them. The bureaucracy is governments interest lobby (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Interest Group: The number of interest group striving to impress their will upon government is legion. Among one hundred thousand nationally organised interest groups in the United States, high proportions are involved in politics. When the politically active state and local groups are added to the already existing numerous interest groups, it becomes obvious that the interest groups are pervasive in the United States governmental system. They represent virtually every major social group with some claims upon government (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). The formations of new groups are often triggered by the rise of new issues on the governmental agenda. And conversely, new issues on the agenda reflect the growing political influence of new interests. The number of interest groups in national energy policy increased significantly after 1973 oil shock. Oil companies have been the major interest groups in terms of energy policy formulation. While analysing the role of oil companies it can be said that they are playing the role of nongovernmental bodies. They have added a degree of variety to international political relationship. Sometimes they have even made the international relationships complicated which might otherwise have been quite harmonious. But in reality oil industries are primarily economic institutions. One of the characteristics of the economic actors is that so long as they can function reasonably well, they generally accept the status quo. No industry can sacrifice its profit for the sake of political principle. None of the oil industry can turn down the chance of developing important new deposits. Of course companies have to choose between possible ventures. The political climate of the countries in which these ventures fall is the only one of the factors taken into account. The political tactics available to compan ies for gaining access to promising markets are limited (Scott: 2005:12-149). The strategies adopted by the oil company are usually predictable but along with the strategies, the leadership of the company also matter to a greater extent. The underlying economics of the industry make it possible to predict the general direction in which companies will move. The development of oil companies can be stimulated by ease of access of the various oil deposit the source of existing oil production the size development and location of the worlds leading economies some facts about the motivation of the imperial powers some assumptions about the behavior of companies in an international oligopoly Some information about the level of government experience in most of the potential producing countries. The sheer size of the US market and the fact that there was a significant oil industry in existence in USA meant that American oil companies where bound to play a dominant role. As an analyst has noted that US had no history of significant engagement with the Central Asian Region before 1990s. It is the discovery of energy resources of the Caspian Sea that made the region important of the US foreign policy makers. The Central Asia and the Caspian Region is blessed with abundant oil and gases that can enhance the lives of the regions resident and provide energy for growth in both Europe and Asia. The impact of these resources on US commercial interests and US foreign policy is very significant. The United States first official foray into the Caucasus and Central Asia came in 1991 during the Bush administration. But it was not until major oil contracts were signed between US oil companies and the government of Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan in 1993-1994 that the region really began to register on the radar screen of the American public. The commercial interests of US oil companies in exploiting new energy reserves gave US policymakers a specific interest to protect in the Caucasus and Central Asia the US has come to see Caspian resources as one of the few prospects for diversifying world energy supply away from the Middle East. The role of the iron triangle in formulating US energy policy towards Central Asia can be understood by 1998 Congressional Hearing. In this hearing the subcommittee on Asia and Pacific examined the US interest in the region. It was acknowledged by the US Congress that Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan possess large reserves of oil and natural gas. It was further observed that Uzbekistan has oil and gas reserves that may make it self sufficient in energy and gain revenue through exports (Congressional Hearings: 1998). According to Mr. Bereuter the president of the Subcommittee on Asia and Pacific stated that US policy goals regarding energy resources in the region were based on the following factors- Independence of the states and their ties to the West. Breaking Russias monopoly over the oil and gas transport routes. Promoting Western energy security through diversified suppliers encouraging the construction of East West pipeline and, Isolating Iran. In addition it was stated by the then Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbot, that the United States sought to discourage any one country from gaining control over the region, but rather urged all responsible States to cooperate in the exploitation of regional oil and resources. It was noted that the Central Asian Region has emerged as one of the significant opportunities for investment opportunities for a broad range of American companies. This in turn will stimulate the economic development of the region. Debates in the Congress According to the Department of Energy, US has following interest in the region- Energy security Strategic interest and Commercial interest in promoting Caspian region energy development. It is further observed that US has an interest in strengthening global energy security through diversification, and the development of these new sources of supply. Caspian export would diversify rather than concentrate world energy supplies. This will help in avoiding the over reliance on the Persian Gulf. It was agreed in the Congress that United States has strategic interests in supporting the independence, sovereignty, and prosperity of the Newly Independent States of the Caspian Basin. And it was desired to assist the development of these States into democratic, sovereign members of the world community of the nations, enjoying unfettered access to world markets without pressure or undue influence from the region. In other words, it can be observed that the iron triangle i.e., Congress, Bureaucracy and the Interest Group have following four objectives with regard to Central Asia: Promoting Multiple Export Route-The administrations policy is centered on rapid development of the regions resources and the transportation and sale of those resources to hard currency markets to secure the independence of these new countries. The US government has promoted the development of multiple pipelines and diversified infrastructure networks to open and integrate these countries into the global market and to foster regional cooperation. It was decided to give priority to support efforts by the regional governments and the private sector to develop and improve east-west linkage and infrastructure networks through Central Asia and the Caucasus. A Eurasian energy transport corridor incorporating a trans-Caspian segment with a route from Baku, Azerbaijan, through the Caucasus and Turkey to the Mediterranean port was included. Emphasizing on Commerciality-It was realized that the massive infrastructure projects must be commercially competitive before the private sector and the international financial community can move forward. Keeping this in mind the Baku-Ceyhan pipelines was most endorsed. Cooperating with Russia-It was decided to support the continued Russian participation in Caspian participation in the Eurasian corridor was also encouraged. For this purpose US companies are working in partnership with the Russian firms in the Caspian. Isolating Iran- the US Government opposes pipelines through Iran because development of Irans oil and gas industry and pipelines from the Caspian Basin through Iran will seriously undercut the development of East-west infrastructure, and give Iran improper leverage over economies of the Caucasus and Central Asian States. Similarly, John Maresca, Vice President of International Relations, Unocal Corporation, focused on three issues with regard to Central Asia- The need for multiple pipeline routes for Central Asian oil and gas resources. The need for US support for international and Regional efforts to achieve balanced reforms and development of appropriate investment in the region. While emphasising these issues, argued for the repeal or removal of section 907 of the Freedom Support Act, because this section unfairly restricts US Government assistance to the government of Azerbaijan and limits US influence in the region. Unocal and other American companies are ready to develop cost-effective export routes for Central Asian resources. So, after this analysis of the iron triangle in terms of the Central Asian Region it can be concluded that the Cooperation of power, federalism, interest group pluralism and other checks and balances in the constitutional architecture of the United States political system created a strong bias towards bargaining, compromise and instrumentalism in energy policy making today. the electoral cycle often compels energy policy to conform to the economic and political bias of legislative constituencies charged with implementing energy policies, attempt to impose upon those policies their own bureaucratic values, their unique political per spective growing from their several missions and many other institutional concerns sub government and the public opinion also influence policy. These elements in the policy process have long been recognized. They emphasise a truth often ignored in discussions of US public policy. The United States and the rest of the world are facing energy problem. The era of abundant, reliable, low-cost energy is in the past. Currently the condition will be that of scarcity and the continuing need to manage the complex and difficult issues associated with the use, supply, pricing and trading of energy to prevent economic, political, environmental and military crisis. Imported oil is the heart of energy problem. As mentioned earlier the economic growth and the consequent growth in energy demand requires increased need for imported oil. To understand the full scope of Congressional perception focus on Energy Security act-S.932 of 1980 is essential. Energy Security Act S. 932 Representative Christopher J. Dodd on June 25, 1980 observed that with respect to the energy act it represented a long overdue commitment of federal dollars to promote energy independence for America. He acknowledged the growing dependency of United States on imported oil. The Energy Security Act provides 25 billion for exploration of a variety of energy alternatives including synthetic fuels renewable resources, conservation, and gasohol. It mandated two actions -the filling of our strategic petroleum reserves and the study of acid rain problem. Though the historical energy security act comprehensively dealt with the synthetic fuel but it was not entirely about the synthetic fuel bill. This act also provide $3.1 billion to establish conservation and solar banks that will offer federal subsidies in the form of below market loans, loan guarantees and grant to finance solar and conservation work in homes, apartments and small business. Christopher J. Dodd argued that $ 3 billion includ ed in this bill to the energy bank was not enough to release the full potential of conservation and solar energy. But this funding was perceived to be a good beginning, and believed that the experience of the coming years will prove the worth these alternatives to continue oil imports. He further argued that the United States government must devise an effective national strategy to break the hold of OPEC and energy conservation in our homes and business should be taken as a vital part of that strategy (Congressional Hearings: 1980) The former Clinton Administration stressed that U.S. support for free market reforms directly served U.S. national interests by opening new markets for U.S. goods and services, and sources of energy and minerals. U.S. private investment committed to Central Asia had greatly exceeded. U.S. energy companies have committed to invest billions of dollars in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. U.S. trade agreements have been signed and entered into force with all the Central Asian States. By focusing on Congressional debates on Energy Policy with particular focus on Central Asia, the complexity of policy formulation can be understood. Further the various Hearings held by the Congress have also provided significant evidence that explains the changed nuances of Central Asia policy. It also helps to illustrate the argument that the Congress considered the Central Asian Region very important for US interest. In particular Congressional understanding of the Enormous Energy Export Potential that could ease Americas energy problem went a long way in shaping US policy towards Central Asia. For instance, despite concern on human right violent political movement, US government virtually supported the US government decision to promote a new pipeline from Kazakh to Azerbaijan and from Ceyhan to Turkey. Some analysts have noted that there has been different emphasis on the level of US involvement in the CAR. According to some there have been linkages between the adequate progress in democratisation and improving the human rights. The importance of energy resources to US has been disputed in early phase of 1990. However, the Congressional interest in Central Asia was reflected in the passage of Silk Road in late 1999 which enhanced US policy alteration, humanitarian needs, economic development (including energy pipelines) and communications, democracy and the creation of civil societies in the South Caucasian and Central Asia. The Bush energy policy was directed towards securing cheap oil because US oil consumption was below projected to increase by one-third over the next two decades. The white House during Bush Administration also had for greater domestic drilling and wants to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to the oil industry. The Administrations National Energy Policy Development Group, led by Vice President Dick Cheney, acknowledged in a May 2001 report that US oil production will fall 12% over the next 20 years. As a result US dependence on imported oil which has risen to a great extent (CRS Report: 2005). September 11 brought with it a dramatic reconfiguration of the entire international security environment as well as a fundamental shift in the ranking of American foreign and security priorities. Virtually every other foreign policy priority was now subordinated to the effort to create an anti-terrorist coalition (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). It is observed that the September 11 attack on the World Trade Centre and Pentagon has underlined the connection between oil and politics. When it became confirmed that the most of the hijackers were from Saudi Arabia, it impacted on the oil market to a great extent. Since Saudi Arabia constitutes one fourth of the total petroleum reserves, United States had to look for some other alternative sources in order to fulfill its energy requirement. United States is dependent on foreign oil for its 58% of energy requirement which is likely to increase up to 65% by 2020 (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). The counterstrike of September 11 shattered the old barriers and opened new horizons. The United States Congress acknowledged the importance of the Central Asian republic for the fulfillment of its oil requirement in the 107th Congress. It was acknowledged that the Central Asian Region is inflicted with terrorist activities and hence consequently political instability. The support from the Congress and the administration was urged. It was argued that the US assistance in developing these new economics will be crucial to business success. A strong technical assistance progress throughout the region was endorsed. After September 11 Washingtons approval of more than US$1.4 billion for the economic recovery of barren and battle scarred Afghanistan provides the Bush administration with possible insurance for deepening its petro-political sphere of influence along Russias boarder in the form of revived Trans-Afghan pipeline. Further it was realized by the US energy analysts that the vast reservoir of oil and gas can be protected by the deployment of US special operations forces to Georgia because it will neutralize Russias influence in the region. It is noteworthy that the Vice president Dick Cheney, former CEO of the oil services company Halliburtons also a veteran of the American oil industrys presence in the Caspian Basin is sufficient to manifest the US presence in the region With almost $30 billion already invested by US oil companies in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan, the suggested Afghan route would cost only one-half the amount of the other alternative which would run through Georgia to Turkeys Mediterranean coast ( Alam :2002:5-26). The Caspian Sea region is widely viewed as important to world markets because of its large oil and gas reserves. Most Energy Company regards the Caspian Basin as the Persian Gulf of the 21st century. In Central Asia and elsewhere, America found new friends in hour of need. It can be said that the Sept. 11 have awakened many Americans to the interdependence to the even -smaller world, to their vulnerability especially in energy. The growing American stake in Central Asia is one response to that. It can be said that the American war against terrorism has also become a battle to control the energy resources of the Central Asian Region. Since Central Asian region can offer the United States a rare opportunity to diversify world oil supply, it could be one of the most important areas of US foreign policy. However, in Washington D.C., and especially in the US congress, foreign policy tends to be an elitist sport. Few members of the Congress focus on foreign policy and accepted by the most of the Americans. As a result, few members of the congress view foreign policy and the Caspian region in strategic terms. The Central Asian Region is viewed by the most members of the congress through one or more of the following perspectives- The Azerbaijan- Armenia issue US policy towards Iran US policy towards Russia Partition and domestic politics. Among the four factors mentioned above, the fourth one i.e. that is partition and domestic politics is perhaps the most important. Members of the Congress tend to be overly responsive to their domestic constituents and some even support certain ethnic groups as a way to raise campaign contribution. This leads to a phenomenon termed ethnic politics. Critics argued that ethnic politics have driven US policy towards both Azerbaijan and Iran (Congressional Hearing: 2001). In order to understand the attitude of Congress towards the Central Asian Region in the aftermath of Sept. 11 attack on World Trade Centre (WTC) and Pentagon, the congress role towards Azerbaijan-America issue, Iran, and Russia requires a brief consideration. The Azerbaijan-Armenia issue On the Azerbaijan Armenia issue, congress tends to favour Armenia and uses foreign aid legislation as a means of exerting pressure on Armenias neighbors particularly Azerbaijan and Turkey. The most obvious example of this is the section 907 at the Freedom Support Act which prohibits US government aid to the government of Azerbaijan. Concern over the plight of Azeri refugee and the increasing importance of United States investment in the Azeri oil sectors; have led Congress to adjust section 907 incrementally each year since it took effect in January 1993. Nevertheless, Congressional attitude towards the region began to change significantly in 1997. The changes occurred for several reasons: The presidential elections in Armenia appeared to be less than free and fare this damaged Armenias image on Capitol Hill and embarrassed lawmaker who had clouted Armenia as the democratic ideal for the region. Some members of the congress thought the Armenia lobby had gone too far and was out of step with the realities on ground. The Armenian lobby was pushing for what some members of Congress thought was excessive legislation. As the deadline for a decision on the main export pipeline route approaches Congressional interest has continued to rise. There was the increased number of Congressional delegation traveling in the region. At least five delegations visited the region in 1997 including one led by senator McConnell. However, since his trip he has taken a more balanced approach to the region. This is noteworthy because McConnell is the chairman of the Senate appropriations subcommittee on foreign operations, the subcommittee which has jurisdiction over section 907. The House of Representatives, however, continued to reject attempt to weaken section 907. Congress tends to be an incremental body and the facts demonstrate that there is momentum towards making further revisions in section 907. As a result of this increasing momentum it is believed that the US Senate is now positioned to make substantial changes in 907. Senate headway will be critical because progress will have to be made in a House-Senate c onference committee and the House of Representatives continues to be solidly on the side of Armenia and is likely to support a significant softening or repeal of S.907. A major problem especially in the House is that section 907 is not on the radar screen for most Representatives since 907 is usually inserted into the foreign operations appropriations legislation at the subcommittee level, only 13 House member-less than 3% have an opportunity to vote up or down on 907 each year (Congressional Hearing:1997). Congressional attitude towards Iran: Iran is the most stable country politically and economically bordering the Caspian, and offers the most attractive pipeline routes: it is important to understand congressional attitude towards that country. Congress is opposed to Iran and has limited the Clintons administrations flexibility in dealing with it. In this respect, Congress has played a significant role. In the opinion of Congress no country undermines American interest more than Iran. Since the Iranian revolution the United States has sought to isolate Iran diplomatically and politically and more recently economically. Congress has passed the Iran-Libya Sanction Act (ILSA). This act was passed without a single member of congress voting against the sanctions. Congress has rarely adopted any controversial piece of legislation unanimously which have a wide range of implications. This law is causing problem for the companies trying to move Caspian oil to market. US companies are prohibited from partnering with Iranian firms in the Caspian (CRS Report: 2003). US Policy towards Russia Another regional issue clouding Congress view of the region is US policy towards Russia. Congress is skeptical of Russia, and its relations with Iran. For many members of Congress opposing the Soviet Union was a major pillar in their political philosophy during 1980s. Today there are still resident effects of this cold war attitude especially Republican party. In 1997 dozens of bills were introduced seeking to impose sanctions on Russia. Congress has consistently opposed Russian efforts of nuclear cooperation with Iran. Congress views the possible pipeline alternative through Russia, southern route through Iran, eastern route through Afghanistan and western rout through Georgia and Today Congressional view of the pipeline can be summed up in three ways: congress is opposed to pipelines routes through Iran, Congress is skeptical of routes through Russia, and is dubious of routes through Afghanistan. Turkey and Georgia are the only options in view of the Congress. Therefore, it is obvious why Congress has expressed support for pipeline along an east-west axis. This also helps to explain why the US government (Congress and the administration) are increasingly calling the Baku Ceyhan route the preferred route because it belongs NATO, ally, and avoid Iran and Russia. During 1998, Congress continued to advocate isolation of Iran and continue the incremental progress in US relations with Azerbaijan. While formulating energy policy for the United States, Congress is the preeminent force. But congress is a house divided. Its authority is dispersed between the two chambers. It is due to the fact that its members are usually torn by the conflicting claims of local and national interest. In spite of having fragmented opportunity it can be expected for policy innovation. On the brighter side, the United States has important energy interests in Central Asia. With its recent energy resources, Kazakhstan could become one of the largest oil exporters in the world. The United States has a strong interest in this oil getting to the world market at reasonable prices via multiple pipelines (Congressional Hearings: 1998). The 107th Congress supported governments efforts to promote a new pipeline from Kazakhstan to Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey, the gateway to the entire Western oil market. It was also acknowledged that in addition to energy interests, the United States also has a strong interest in working with the existing Central Asia governments on combating drugs and on divesting themselves of their weapons of mass destruction materials ( Congressional Hearings:2001). Finally, domestic security concerns for the Central Asian region particularly about violent political movements also got due consideration. The world gets nearly hal

Parthenon as a Paragon Essay -- History, Ancient Greece

In the time of Ancient Greece, the Parthenon was the epitome of all Greek temples, possessing desired traits from hut-like temples, the Temple of Zeus at Olympia, and other temples. All the column styles were established in 6th century BCE, but the styles were named afterwards (Spawforth 62). The chief column styles of Greek temple building were Doric and Ionic, and they were named in the 5th century BCE (Spawforth 62). The Corinthian column style was named in the 4th century BCE (Spawforth 62). Doric columns from the 4th century BCE are skinnier than the 6th century BCE columns (Spawforth 62). The â€Å"Aeolic† column, related to the Ionic column, was developed by the Aeolian Greeks (Spawforth 62). The Ionic and Aeolic columns has scrolls at the top, but only the Aeolic column’s scrolls spring outwards in a vertical direction, making it unique from the Ionic column (Spawforth 62). The Doric columns were created by the Dorians; the Ionic columns were created by the Ioni ans (Jenkins 15, 17). Each column consists of a column, base, shaft, capital, and entablature. The entablature consists of the architrave, frieze, and cornice (Summerson). The Romans used columns as ornaments, but the Greeks used the columns for structural stability (Summerson). The Parthenon was a Doric temple (Spawforth 64). The Parthenon was the centerpiece of acropolis renewal (Jenkins 76). The marble is from Mount Pendelikon (Jenkins 76). The Parthenon is a culmination of long tradition (Jenkins 28). The Parthenon is the Romantic Symbol of a cultural age; it is viewed with great fondness and nostalgia in the Western civilizations’ cultural memory (Nardo 12). The Parthenon is not at ground level; it stands on a three step stylobate (Corbett). In the 6th century, the ... ...olis). The reconstruction of the faà §ade of the Temple of Apollo at Thermon, due to the unpleasant front side of the temple, ended in 500BCE (Nardo 19). Stone replaced the Temple at Thermon’s wooden entablature and columns in the 600s to keep it from weakening further (Nardo 19). If this issue had left untended, it would have led to the place of worship’s eventual collapse. The Temple of Apollo at Thermon was one of the few temples of its time on Ancient Greece that was solid enough to uphold a tiled roof (Nardo 19). The tiled roof would not have been supportable, had the faà §ade, entablature, and columns not been replaced. The Temple of Apollo at Thermon was a Doric temple (Guido). The Temple of Zeus at Olympia contributed to the timelessness of the Parthenon, as it was the trial for it. The hut-like temples were the first known forms of temples. Make it better!

Bell 492

Student’s Name: Muhammad Iman bin Shafie Patt Faculty / Group: Faculty of Architecture, Planning and Surveying / 5A Lecturer’s Name: Associate Profesor Puan Noreha Taib Title: THE POWER OF POSITIVE THINKING Order: Topical Order General Purpose: To inform Specific Purpose : To inform my audience about the important of positive thinking in our life. Central Point : A positive mind anticipates happiness, joy, health and a successful result. Introduction I. Did you know that, three letters can determine your life’s direction? Its sounds interesting right?I also impressed with the statement of an article. First time I read this statement I feel that I should improve myself starting today. II. I remembered the situation last year where I got a job interview with my friend. Two days before I went to the interview, my friend are not willing to go because he believed that the other applicants were better and more qualified than him. His mind was filled with fears concerni ng the job and he was sure he would be rejected. His overall behaviour made a bad impression, and consequently he materialized his fear and did not get the job but fortunately, I get the job.But how this kind of thing can be happen? Today I would talk to you about how to be a positive thinker, the characteristics of positive thinker and benefits of positive thinking. (Transition : Let’s start by looking the way to be a positive thinker. ) Body I. The way to be a positive thinker A. Motivate Yourself 1. Anytime, anyway and everywhere. 2. Being productive will help you build self-confidence and make you feel better about yourself. B. Leave the Past Behind 1. Remember past successes and leave past failures behind 2. When you focus on your successes, you boast your self-confidence.When you focus on past failures you belittle yourself and make yourself feel inadequate C. Make Positive Thinking a Habit 1. Start each day and each new effort by reminding yourself how truly great you are 2. Taking the time every day to focus on all the positive things in your life (Transition : I know you can do it because if you do so, you can have your own identity. Here I tell you. ) II. There are a few character that we shall know he / she is a positive thinker. A. Try to be an optimist person 1. A person disposed to take a favourable view of things. 2.There prefer to think before made a mind decision about something. 3. See the best in things and expect a successful conclusion. B. People have a better health and always look happy 1. Practice a better life style and prefer to do something that give a benefits to them. 2. Have a better communication with people that create a harmony society. C. Resistant to stress and less prone to depression 1. Looks cool and steady in various condition. 2. Creative in problems solving. (Transition : Now you know who is a negative or positive thinker, let’s look at the benefits that positive thinker will get. ) III.A lot of benefits i f we practice positive thinking. A. Brings strength, energy and initiative. 1. Positive thinking brings more energy, more initiative and more happiness. 2. It makes you more relax and ability to make a good decision B. Clear thoughts produce clear results 1. If we practice to be a good and positive thinker, we will get what we had think 2. Chinese proverb : The person who says it cannot be done should not interrupt the person doing it Conclusion I. As we have seen, there are important for us to practice the positive thinking in our lifestyle because there are benefits waiting for us.II. Fortunately, we can be a positive thinker by practice a simple way in our daily life. III. I can be a positive thinker and I believe you too. IV. Now I get the answer why I can get the job and I hope more lucky for me in the future.Bibliography Internet Sources Awaken The Wisdom And Power Within You. â€Å"Quotes on Positive Thinking†. (01 Okt, 2012) Retrieved 16 Okt 2012 from http://www. succ essconsciousness. com Awaken The Wisdom And Power Within You. â€Å"The Power of Positive Thinking†. (29 Sept, 2012) Retrieved 16 Okt 2012 from http://www. successconsciousness. com

Find 5 different ways in which Steinbeck suspends the tension of the moment Essay

1. Stalling the narrative – punctuation 2. Pauses and silence – punctuation 3. Description of sights and sounds 4. Symbolism- light/darkness 5. Verbs and adverbs Ella Hart Practice English Exam Question Steinbeck uses varying methods in order to create tension and suspense within this extract. His use of punctuation has enabled him to use pauses and silences to create tension, â€Å"awright – take ‘im.† The reader can tell that Candy is very reluctant to let Carlson take his dog to be shot but the pause also shows his resignation; he knows he cannot win the argument. Personally, this makes me empathise with Candy as he is defenceless and his kind heart has been taken advantage of, thus creating and suspending tension as we sadly wait for the dog to be killed. Silences within the novel have a similar effect â€Å"The silence fell on the room again†¦and the silence lasted† Steinbeck is using silences to show how awkward the other characters feel around Candy; in such a lonely society no-one knows how to comfort him as they do not know the feeling of a lost companion. The long gaps between speech extend this uncomfortable atmosphere and build up the suspense of the extract as a whole. The stalling of the narrative also suspends the tension; we are anxious to hear of what happens to Candy and his dog but are being distracted by other characters trying to ease the situation. â€Å"Anybody like to play a little euchre?† George is trying to improve the mood of the room and provide both himself and others with a distraction so that they don’t have to think too much about the pain that Candy is going through. As a reader we just want to know about what will happen but these diversions keep slowing down the pace of the narrative. ‘There came a little gnawing sound†¦all the men looked down towards it gratefully.’ The occupants of the room are seizing every opportunity to not have to focus on the current situation; there is a large amount of tension as both the characters and the reader await the gunshot but Steinbeck is providing many diversions that both increase the tension and extend the storyline. Symbolism is very apparent in this extract; Steinbeck uses it to present the unfortunate circumstances that Candy is in and to foreshadow the imminent outcome, therefore creating tension and suspense. â€Å"Gotta bad gut ache,† even though we know that Candy’s pain is due to what he has eaten, it is representative of a gut feeling that something bad is about to happen. The entrance of Whit is also symbolic â€Å"Candy looked for help†¦it was quite dark outside now. A young labouring man came in.† The darkness signifies that there is no hope for Candy now, he is looking for help but there is no-one willing the help him. It represents the end of the dog’s life and the end of Candy’s companionship. We instantly know that the dog will die as death and hopelessness have been denoted, we are just waiting for it to happen, creating suspense. However, the entrance of Whit provides Candy with a false hope; Whit could distract from the topic of the dog and make everyone forget. During this entire part it is very tense for both Candy and the reader, Candy is hoping in desperation that Carlson will be sidetracked and let the dog live on for another day and the reader awaits in suspension to find out what happens. The symbolism of darkness is used again â€Å"He led the dog out into the darkness.† Carlson has finally got his way and Candy’s efforts proved to be in vain, the dog is being led out to its death, and there is no hope for it now. Steinbeck’s use of both verbs and adverbs help to suspend the tension within this extract ‘He pointed with his toe.’ Carlson is being very blunt about his plans to shoot the dog, showing very little consideration to the thoughts and feelings of Candy. By pointing to the dog with his foot he is showing an apparent lack of empathy for the animal, he is very selfish and only wants rid of the dog because of his odour. I personally am angered by Carlson’s actions and want Candy to defend himself and the dog, thus creating tension and suspense as we wait to see if Candy will react. After he has reluctantly agreed to let Carlson kill the dog we are worried for Candy as we know how much it meant to him. ‘Candy lay rigidly on his bed’ he is unable to move due to shock and pain and although he doesn’t want to show this through obvious emotion due to his pride, we know how isolated he feels. ‘He rolled slowly over and faced the wall and lay silent’ again, Candy does not want to show his feelings, by rolling over he is trying to block out the rest of the people along with the very tense atmosphere of the room. By rolling slowly he is showing how vulnerable he is right now, he is a defenceless old man who has just has his only companion taken cruelly away from him. His silence illustrates his new found grief and complete loneliness. These slow, quiet movements that block out the rest of the room make the characters feel very awkward, the tension is suspended and the mood of the room very uncomfortable, no-one wants to be the first to break the silence and distract Candy from his thoughts. Descriptions of sounds are also used by Steinbeck to intensify the suspense felt in the room in this extract. ‘There came a little gnawing sound’ the room is so quiet and tense that mice can be heard but also the men leap upon this chance for a distraction from Candy’s pain. ‘Carlson’s footsteps died away.’ As long as the characters (especially Candy) could still hear Carlson walking they knew that the dog was not yet dead. As a reader, the end of his footsteps left me knowing that the dog only had a matter of seconds left to live, forming suspense as we wait for his death. ‘A shot sounded in the distance’ This is a turning point in the extract, throughout the pages we have been waiting tensely for the death of the dog and at this point we are no longer hoping that Carlson will change his mind because we know it is too late. All the tension that has been suspended is released although the unease felt in the room deepens as the characters sympathise with Candy but do not know how to appease the situation. Throughout this extract Steinbeck has suspended the tension by use of pauses & silences, the stalling of the narrative, symbolism, verbs & adverbs and descriptions of sounds. He has provided Candy with small amounts of false hope but these proved futile. I personally think that the tension and suspense was very apparent and as I read I empathised with Candy and was anxious about his dog.